'Sailing from France, an invading army is about to land in Wales.'
The leader of this army was a refugee, a fugitive,
a man who had spent half of his 28 years on the run
and who had barely a claim to the throne of England.
His name was Henry Tudor.
And, as King Henry VII,
he would create the dynasty that bore his name...
the Tudors.
But Henry VII remains obscure -
eclipsed by the monarch he deposed, Richard III,
by the glamour and notoriety of his wife-killing son, Henry VIII,
'and the charisma of his granddaughter, Elizabeth I.
Yet Henry VII's is possibly the most extraordinary story of them all.
With a hunger for power and an iron determination
to hang on to the throne at all costs, he would rewrite history,
seizing the crown and rebuilding the monarchy in his own image.
He would become paranoid,
described later as an 'infinitely suspicious' ruler,
a 'dark prince', his reign seen as a bleak, wintry landscape.
'For years, I've explored his murky story, of spies and informers,
'intrigue and extortion.
'And I've found that the deeper you go,
'the more you discover fascinating glimpses
'of this manipulative king...
'..who created one of the strangest regimes in history.
'Magnificent, oppressive
'and terrifying.
'This is the story of Henry VII, the first Tudor.'
This is Henry. It's what remains of his funeral effigy,
which was paraded through the streets of London after his death,
dressed in his Parliament robes
and clutching his orb and sceptre of state.
We can see his fine boned features
and the distinctive cast in his left eye.
But this is also a face emaciated and ravished by illness and stress.
It's the face of a man who's never known a moment's peace.
'Henry's journey to fulfil his unlikely destiny
'brought him to Milford Haven on Sunday 7 August 1485.
'His small fleet appeared from the south
'and anchored quietly in Mill Bay.'
Henry's ships drop anchor here and his men come ashore,
and we can picture them heaving munitions onto the beach,
canons, horses, coming through the surf.
Henry wades ashore and as he gets to this beach, to the sand,
he sinks to his knees, raises his eyes to heaven,
clasps his hands in prayer and says,
"Judge me, oh, Lord, and favour my cause."
'Henry would need all the help he could get.
'His army was a rag tag bunch of political dissidents
'and foreign mercenaries - a mixture of different accents filled the air.
'Henry had deliberately chosen this windswept
'and distant corner of Wales - he wanted to slip in undetected,
'giving him time to raise support in his Welsh homeland
'before facing Richard III's much larger army.'
And so this invasion, really, feels...
More than anything else, it feels almost not like an invasion,
it feels very kind of furtive and anxious.
He knows the odds are stacked against him.
'Henry made his way northwards
'to the homeland of his stepfather, Lord Stanley.
'The Stanleys, a powerful noble family,
'had half-promised Henry their support.
'The plan was to make for London.
'But Richard's army was now hot on his heels.
'He had no choice but to turn and fight.'
On the eve of battle,
Henry knew Richard's army was only a few miles away
and that it massively outnumbered his own.
It had come down to this -
tomorrow he would claim the throne of England, or he would die trying.
Early on the morning of 22 August 1485,
Henry advanced from over here toward Richard's much bigger army
drawn up on the ridge.
Over here was Sir William Stanley with his men,
watching as the battle unfolded.
Stanley was keeping his options open.
He only wanted to back a winner.
Seeing Henry's army fragmented,
Richard spotted his chance, and charged.
In the carnage, the two men fought nose to nose,
and Henry's standard bearer was cut down.
And it was at this moment, probably,
as he saw Henry's standard begin to topple,
that Sir William Stanley made his fateful decision.
At the crucial moment, Stanley's army piled in on Henry's side.
Richard, it was said, fought valiantly, like a true king.
One of Henry's men reportedly heard him shout,
"I will die like a king this day, or win,"
and Richard himself was swept away.
Richard III, the King of England, was viciously battered to death.
By mid-morning, it was all over.
Henry's men moved busily about the battlefield,
relieving the dead and dying of their valuables,
piling bodies onto carts.
On a nearby hill, Lord Stanley placed the dead king's circlet
on Henry's head to the shouts of acclamation from his troops.
Against all odds, Henry had achieved the impossible -
this man, who had been a refugee and fugitive half his life,
had won the crown of England.
The battle of Bosworth may have been over,
but the real struggle was about to begin.
For over half a century,
no monarch had successfully passed on the crown without turmoil.
Building a dynasty would be a battle
that Henry would fight for the rest of his life.
I'm taking off my shoes because I'm about to tread on
what is one of the most extraordinary pieces
of medieval art,
not just in England, but in Europe.
This is amazing.
It feels astounding to stand here.
Every single English king - and queen, for that matter -
since 1308, has been crowned on this spot,
precisely here.
And it was here on 30 October 1485 that Henry VII was crowned.
It was a glorious, triumphant occasion,
and Henry must have felt as though he'd achieved almost the impossible.
This was an affirmation of his victory at Bosworth.
It was a vindication of everything that he'd done,
that he'd prayed for on the beach at Milford Haven.
But there was perhaps a sense too of something else -
after all, Henry had seen a crowned king, Richard III,
killed, despoiled, mutilated,
trussed naked on the back of a donkey
without so much as a rag to cover his genitals.
And he knew that what had happened to Richard III
could also happen to him.
Henry's claim to the throne was precarious.
His mother, Lady Margaret Beaufort,
provided the only trickle of royal blood in Henry's veins.
The Beauforts were a great but illegitimate Lancastrian family,
banned from ever claiming the throne.
On the other side of his family, Henry's grandfather, Owen Tudor,
a fast-talking Welsh servant, had secretly married
Henry V's widow Catherine some 50 years previously.
Not exactly the ideal pedigree for a king.
Henry was born a nobleman, the Earl of Richmond.
But his upbringing in exile
had left him with no experience of governing.
It had made him a sharp observer and a man who gave nothing away.
'For England to believe that Henry was the rightful king,
'he would need to behave like one.
'And that is exactly what he did.'
Parliament has met at Westminster for over 800 years.
'The official records of its debates, meetings and acts
'stretch back to the Middle Ages.'
In early November 1485, Henry VII's first parliament met.
He would use it to tackle
the inconvenient truth of Richard III's reign
and to re-work recent events to suit himself.
'And here's the written proof,
'the parliamentary record which shows how he did just that.'
In this record, Richard III is the usurper,
Henry VII is the rightful king, putting the record straight.
Richard III is referred to as 'the late Duke of Gloucester',
and afterwards, 'indeed and not of right king of England'.
And his legislation is referred to as the act of
'false and malicious imaginations'.
But there was one thing in particular during this parliament
that Henry did which sent a ripple of unease through the Commons -
he re-wrote history.
It simply consists of a date, here.
Now, the Battle of Bosworth was fought on 22 August 1485,
but here, Henry VII has dated his reign "the 21st" -
in Roman numerals -
"day of August last past."
That's to say, the day before the battle was fought.
We might ask, "What's in a day?"
Well, by backdating his reign to the day before he beat Richard III
and became king, Henry was effectively accusing everybody
who had turned out for Richard III on the battlefield of treason.
The Commons was shocked.
But in practice, there was very little they could do about it.
Henry had won his battle and he was king,
and here it is, enshrined in parliamentary record.
With Parliament sewn up,
Henry's next move would bolster his position further...
A marriage to cement all his dynastic ambitions.
It was a strategic partnership,
the fulfilment of a pact made while he was in exile.
The pact on which his invasion was founded.
The previous 30 years had seen England torn apart
in what would come to be known as the Wars of the Roses.
The House of Lancaster, represented by the red rose,
against the House of York, represented by the white rose.
Richard III's coming to the throne in 1483 divided the House of York.
He imprisoned his young nephews - two princes - in the Tower,
and proclaimed himself king. The princes were never seen again.
Their supporters fled to Brittany
where they found the young Lancastrian Henry,
a refugee in exile.
They agreed to support Henry's challenge to the throne,
but only if he would marry Elizabeth of York,
daughter of the late King Edward IV.
It would be a union that promised to reconcile a divided England.
'But Henry needed something that would reinforce this union,
'something that would link this new dynasty
'with the English crown in the minds of his subjects.
'So, he brought in the decorators.
'At Westminster, the seat of government,
'he plastered his family emblems
'across the walls, ceilings and windows.
'They included a symbol so powerful in its simplicity
'that we still recognise it to this day.'
This, of course, is a Victorian building, but we can get a sense
of how these badges and emblems were deployed and used by Henry.
We can still see his mother's badge, the Beaufort portcullis,
and, alongside it, the most significant emblem of all,
Henry's red rose.
Henry's revival of a rather obscure Lancastrian emblem, the red rose,
was a masterstroke.
What it allowed him to do was to put his own rather sketchy credentials
on a par with those of his wife, Elizabeth of York, the white rose.
And together these two roses would combine to create
the most potent and enduring emblem in English royal history,
the rose both red and white...
The Tudor rose.
Henry was stamping his mark on the nation.
But of course, the Tudor rose
could only be truly embodied by an heir...
..vital if Henry was to build a dynasty.
And Henry would not have to wait long.
Named after King Arthur, the mythical king of Britain,
Prince Arthur was born early
on the rain-lashed morning of 20 September 1486,
at Winchester, the legendary seat of Camelot.
This is a wonderful and very rare book.
It's a songbook from Henry VII's court.
And we can see in this songbook
a song celebrating Prince Arthur's birth, and it says precisely this.
"I love the rose both red and white,"
it runs, "Is that your pure perfect appetite?
"To hear talk of them is my delight,
"Joyed may we be, our prince to see and roses three."
So, in other words, Arthur was the embodiment
of the red and the white rose, he was the Tudor rose incarnate.
Henry and Elizabeth were lucky.
They would have more children, including another son.
Henry was building a myth - that he and his family
were the true and rightful royal blood of England.
'But there were those who just didn't buy it.
'In fact, they would do their own re-writing of history
'to expose Henry for the usurper he was.'
What we have here is a genealogical roll.
These family trees were owned by kings and noblemen
to describe and sometimes invent their glorious ancestries.
And it's this part that we're interested in, in particular,
which tells us why Henry was so very afraid, and what he was afraid of.
We start here, with Edward III,
the Plantagenet king from whom
both the Yorkists and the Lancastrians
trace their lines of descent.
We can see here the Lancastrian line coming down
through Henry IV,
Henry V, victor of Agincourt,
and Henry VI,
and then it stops, because the Lancastrians are exterminated.
And this thick red line is what this roll believes to be
the main line of royal descent.
And it goes to the Yorkist king,
to Edward IV,
and to his wife, Elizabeth Woodville.
The main line of descent carries on to Richard III.
But as we can see, the line runs out, it's actually unfinished.
Henry is notably absent.
In this glorious vision of English kingship,
Henry VII doesn't fit at all.
He's squashed in here, and then a thick black line
traces his descent all the way up
and it goes past the Lancastrian line,
it's not connected to it significantly,
and it keeps going and it keeps going up to here,
not to any king, but simply to Owen Tudor,
a chamber servant.
So this roll was composed for a family who took
a very dim view of Henry VII's claim to the throne indeed.
What was more, they believed that they, not he,
were the rightful kings of England.
'The roll belonged to a great Yorkist family called
'the de la Poles. John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln,
'was related to the late King Richard III,
'and he claimed that Richard had named him as his heir
'to the throne.'
John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln, would in fact instigate
the first serious rebellion of Henry's reign.
In 1487, Lincoln's forces clashed with Henry's troops
in the East Midlands.
But there would be no dead king as there had been at Bosworth.
Henry's battle-hardened army massacred Lincoln's men,
and Lincoln himself was slaughtered.
Henry had won a decisive victory
and removed a genuine Yorkist contender for the throne.
With this threat eradicated, he set about consolidating his rule.
He looked for new ways to drive home the power
and permanence of his reign,
through magnificent architecture...
..an opulent household,
and the thing dearest to his heart...
..money.
The very first English gold sovereign,
the very first pound as a coin.
Wow, this is an extraordinary privilege, really, to see these.
'Barry Cooke looks after the medieval coin collection
'at the British Museum.'
Henry VII is the first person to think, "I will create a pound coin,"
and he gives it this very special name, sovereign.
And what he's doing with the word "sovereign" is to say,
"I am sovereign over my land," part of the whole royal package.
Yes, this is not a coin anybody used in their daily lives,
it's a way for the king to show his power and authority,
to spread his message. To put in circulation...
Literally, to spread the message,
and in some ways, the audience for this
might not have been his own subjects, but foreign visitors.
So, when ambassadors were visiting,
Henry would have given them a kind of royal goody bag, as it were,
and along with them he would have given them a number of these,
a takeaway souvenir of Henry's England.
Absolutely - you have a huge, stonking, gold coin,
and what does that tell you about the person who gives it you
in a casual way?
Usually, just the head of the monarch was featured,
but here Henry sits full length on a great throne,
orb and sceptre in hand and the imperial crown on his head,
every bit the image of a king.
But the most important part of the coin is on the reverse.
This is a Tudor rose, isn't it?
Yes, again, traditionally in the Medieval period,
you had a cross on the back of a coin.
But now, we've got the Tudor double rose
and the arms of England superimposed upon it.
It's very specifically associating the coat of arms of England
with the symbols of the Tudor family,
the Tudor dynasty - the two are interlinked, inextricable.
Image is reality for power. That's what these things are.
They are the one way a ruler can get the message across
to the widest number of people before the advent of the modern world,
they are the only mass media. So what's on them is very important.
But while Henry was starting
to convince the international community that he was here to stay,
at home, old rivalries simmered,
and the after-shocks of rebellion rippled on.
In early 1493, Henry got wind of another plot.
Yorkist exiles in Europe were grooming a young man
named Perkin Warbeck to impersonate one of the princes in the Tower,
and were raising an army to invade England.
For Henry, this was a disaster.
'Many had accepted him as king
'only because the princes in the Tower were presumed dead.
'Now, with this supposed reappearance,
'their loyalties would be torn.
'After a decade of battling to establish his dynasty,
'this was a threat that Henry had to defuse.'
Henry spun a web of surveillance.
Outwardly, he was always calm and inscrutable,
giving nothing away.
But this masked a savage intensity.
He embedded spies in suspects' households,
interviewing their servants and the chaplains and confessors
to whom they opened their souls. And he discovered, to his horror,
that the trail of conspiracy led him very close to home indeed.
In fact, right to the heart of the royal household,
to his lord chamberlain,
who was responsible for the king's personal security.
This man was none other than Sir William Stanley,
whose intervention had won Henry the Battle of Bosworth.
When Henry's men searched Stanley's house,
they found a Yorkist livery collar studded with white roses...
..and £10,000 - enough money to bankroll an army.
Henry began to feel that he would never be able to convince
everyone that he was the rightful king.
He would need to become even more vigilant -
starting with how he ran his household.
This is the fabulous Great Hall at Hampton Court.
Henry's royal houses were destroyed centuries ago,
but Hampton Court is laid out along much the same lines.
This is the awe-inspiring public face of the royal household,
and just to get in here you would have had to have been
one of the hundreds of servants
who worked here on a regular basis, or an accredited visitor.
But the king was rarely seen here.
He resided in the state apartments
which began behind this heavily guarded door.
And if your name wasn't down, you weren't coming in.
This is one of the great public apartments, and on the feast days
of court it would have been packed with noblemen, courtiers, diplomats,
petitioners of all kinds hoping to catch a glimpse of the king.
But it was this door that people most wanted to get through,
and behind which very few indeed were ever admitted.
Behind this door lay the secret or privy chamber, the private
apartments where the king worked, slept, ate, and relaxed.
And it was what happened behind this door that would become
synonymous with Henry VII's reign.
With the discovery of the Stanley plot, the privy chamber
went into lockdown.
Previously, its workings were transparent,
but with the new security overhaul, only those
who would best content the king were admitted.
So at the heart of this glittering household was an institutional
black hole whose workings were known only to Henry himself.
'Inside the privy chamber, things were changing.
'Henry was obsessed with control, especially when it came to money.
'The remit of his private chamber treasury was expanding.'
These books are chamber accounts - they're books of payments,
and what's interesting about these books is that
they represent Henry's very personal control of finance.
These account books are brought to him,
and he will look down everything and he will sign it at the bottom.
We have everything from wages for trumpeters, for barbers...
Queen's minstrels, the prince's trumpeters,
falcons brought from Hungary... Falcons brought from Hungary,
brilliant. Quite a journey. Brilliant.
'Historian Sean Cunningham has been studying Henry's account books.
'This one shows money coming
'directly into Henry's personal coffers,
'and these pages are written by Henry himself.'
I love this entry in particular. We have money delivered in
"old weighty crowns".
You can sense him weighing it in his hand.
That's right, just seeing what the value is.
Picking up this weighty crown, "Ah, that's good!"
And then I like this - "good crowns".
"These are some good crowns we have here."
There's thousands of pounds' worth of bullion going through the king's...
literally, through the king's hands.
To Henry, money meant security and control,
and how he used it was key.
There's all sorts of unofficial activity going on.
You'll have, for example, quite
substantial rewards of tens or maybe hundreds of pounds
sometimes being given to strangers in reward - people from across the
sea, or certain persons riding on the king's business.
And here - this is an interesting one.
Sean, who's this? This is...
Probably Sir Charles Somerset.
..who was one of the king's masters of intelligence.
"For a man of Flanders." A man of Flanders.
Up to something or other on official business.
Lack of full detail, isn't it, which is a bit frustrating.
Well, it's always a giveaway, though, isn't it?
If you haven't got the detail,
you have a sense that he's on his majesty's secret service.
Henry was building up a dense network of spies and informers
whose reach would extend into the furthest and darkest corners
of the realm.
He would map the political loyalties of his subjects,
putting under surveillance those who looked likely to cause trouble.
In 1497, Warbeck, the Yorkist pretender who had caused
Henry such anxiety over the years
was captured and eventually executed.
As the new century began,
Henry VII had been on the throne for 15 years.
Only now did he feel truly safe.
Things seemed good.
Henry completed his magnificent new house on the Thames,
west of London, and named it after his earldom - Richmond.
Here, in his maze of rooms, Henry could control his allies
and keep a close eye on his enemies.
The Spanish ambassador
was clearly impressed by the state of the nation.
England, he said, was remarkably tranquil. "Previously," he wrote,
"there had always been a number of competing claims for the throne,
"but now there remained only the true blood of Henry VII,
"Queen Elizabeth, and their first-born son and heir,
"Prince Arthur." There remained "not a drop of doubtful royal blood"
left in the kingdom.
The stage was now set for the most significant moment of Henry's
reign so far, a royal marriage that had taken a decade to broker.
His eldest son, Prince Arthur,
was to marry a great Spanish princess, Catherine of Aragon.
For Henry, it would be the culmination of everything
he had fought for, setting the seal on his dynastic ambitions.
And the celebrations would be glorious.
On the early afternoon of Friday 12th November 1501,
Catherine's procession rode into the city across London Bridge.
It was a dank, grey, drizzly afternoon,
but what awaited her was spectacular.
It was the first stage in the fortnight-long series
of wedding celebrations that would be Henry's ultimate PR event, and
it would showcase his chief source of political capital - his sons.
London was in a carnival mood.
The heaving streets were a riot of colour.
Accompanying Catherine of Aragon on her procession through London
was the king's younger son.
The ten-year-old Prince Henry loved the limelight -
already, he was a boy with the popular touch.
But one thing was clear to everybody,
and to Catherine in particular -
she was about to become part of something very special indeed.
But for one onlooker, this lavish occasion provoked unease.
Among the masses that lined the route, craning to catch a glimpse
of the princess was a young legal student called Thomas More.
More later described the procession.
He'd been enraptured by Catherine.
She was so beautiful, he said, that words couldn't do her justice.
But he ended on a slightly hesitant note - "I do hope",
he said, "that these celebrations will prove a happy omen."
It was as if, in their splendour and magnificence,
that the festivities were somehow tempting fate.
The wedding was a triumph. The Tudor myth was turning into reality.
But as Arthur and Catherine left London to start their married life,
it wouldn't be long before Thomas More's words would be fulfilled.
Late on the 4th of April, 1502, a boat docked at Greenwich
where the king and queen were in residence.
Aboard was a messenger who brought terrible news.
Prince Arthur had caught the virulent sweating sickness,
and was dead.
Henry was devastated.
On St George's day, Prince Arthur was laid to rest here
at Worcester Cathedral,
far away from Westminster and the glare of international attention.
It was a funeral befitting a prince,
reflecting the scale of the tragedy.
As a requiem mass was sung, through this door, the west door,
and through crowds of mourners, rode a man on horseback
wearing Arthur's own plate armour
and gripping a poleaxe, blade downwards.
The man-at-arms rode a black caparisoned warhorse
up the nave and into the choir.
Arthur's coat of arms,
his sword and shield,
the symbols of his earthly roles, were offered up,
and his coffined body was lowered into its grave.
"To have seen the weepings when the offering was done,"
wrote one herald, "He had a hard heart that wept not."
This is Arthur's chapel, his final resting place.
The political impact of Arthur's death was immense.
The Tudor dynasty now hung by a thread.
The dynasty's future now rested on the shoulders of Arthur's
younger brother, Prince Henry, the king's only surviving son.
But Elizabeth reassured the king that they were still young enough
to have more children - and, sure enough,
within months, she was pregnant.
The royal household moved here, to the Tower,
where Elizabeth was to give birth. She went into confinement,
surrounded by her ladies and gentlewomen.
But it was a traumatic and premature labour.
With a raging temperature, she slipped in and out of consciousness.
Henry was beside himself.
Messengers rode through the night to summon specialists,
but nothing worked.
On the 11th of February 1503, her 37th birthday, Elizabeth died.
Their marriage had been one of genuine love,
and Henry was shattered by her loss.
But of course, their marriage had represented something else as well -
the union of Lancaster and York,
the reuniting of England after decades of civil war.
Many had accepted Henry as king out of loyalty
to Elizabeth's Yorkist family.
Now, her death threatened to tear the country apart all over again.
Perhaps nothing summed up better the situation that Henry
now found himself in than a poem
that Thomas More wrote on the occasion of Elizabeth's death.
More's poem read...
More was referring to the new chapel Henry VII was building
at Westminster Abbey.
Adorned with all the familiar symbols of his kingship,
the Beaufort portcullis and the Tudor rose,
the chapel was intended to be yet another monument
to the splendour of Henry's dynasty.
Thomas More's poem struck at the heart of the matter.
Henry could build all the magnificent buildings he wanted,
but without his wife,
the very foundations of his reign were shaken.
Usually so inscrutable, Henry's reaction to Elizabeth's death
was one of complete physical collapse.
Retreating into the depths of Richmond, he came close to death.
But when he emerged six weeks later, the mask was back in place,
and his drive for control was even more remorseless.
The cornerstones of his reign - his wife and heir - were gone,
and Henry's crown was more at risk than ever.
Old enemies had resurfaced.
John de la Pole, who had instigated the first rebellion against Henry,
had died 15 years before,
but his younger brother, the Earl of Suffolk,
was now a man, and at large on the continent raising an army.
Increasingly ill, suspicious and unable to trust people,
Henry saw conspiracy at every turn.
But his resolve was unshakeable.
He would hang on to the crown, whatever the cost.
'If his subjects would not love him, they would be made to fear him.'
Henry was perfecting a very effective system of repression.
His counsellors were experts in extortion.
They forced people into bonds and debts to the king
to guarantee their good behaviour,
and fined people vast, unpayable sums of money.
For everyone, from nobles to merchants,
it was like being on permanent bail.
Anybody who broke the conditions of these bonds faced financial ruin.
Now, betraying the king was not just unthinkable, it was unaffordable.
This terrifying system was enforced by a shadowy tribunal
known as the Council Learned in the Law.
It would become the most notorious expression of Henry's rule...
..and the minutes of its meetings are recorded here in this book.
It wasn't legally constituted, it wasn't a court of record, but
it consisted of a number of Henry's most powerful legal advisors.
And this council answered directly, and only, to the king.
It relied on information supplied by the regime's network
of informers and spies, who provided details about offences committed,
or potential debts owing to the king.
And what's interesting about the Council Learned is that it
overrode a lot of the normal processes of government and of law.
It might, for example, interrupt normal legal processes that
were going on and pluck them out of the process, pluck them
out of the system, and haul them in front of this group of counsellors.
It acts with complete impunity - it is totally unaccountable.
This was a process that struck fear and rage
and frustration into those people who were caught up in its dealings.
Of all the men associated with the Council Learned, perhaps
the most infamous and potent
was a silver-tongued lawyer named Edmund Dudley.
'Dudley had spent six years working in the City of London,
'networking and becoming intimately familiar with its corridors
'of power, its major players, and the intricate web of rivalry,
'opportunism and distrust that linked the guilds and companies.'
And he saw first-hand the dodgy dealings and corrupt transactions
of the bankers and merchants that made the City tick.
When in autumn 1503 Dudley resigned from his post,
he was given a golden handshake by a grateful City,
but what the City did not expect
was that Dudley was going to work for the king.
Dudley was a poacher turned gamekeeper.
Fast-tracking him into royal service,
Henry handed him an unprecedented role.
Dudley's expertise lay in defining
and enforcing the king's legal rights.
Sifting through pages and pages of financial paperwork,
he used long-forgotten laws to inflict crushing financial
penalties on Henry's subjects.
Dudley described the brief he had been given.
"Henry", he said, "wanted many persons in danger at his pleasure,
"bound to His Grace for great sums of money."
What Dudley was doing was technically legal,
but it was stretching the law to its absolute limits.
It was, he said, extraordinary justice.
And nowhere was this extraordinary justice applied more thoroughly
than in Dudley's own stamping ground, the City of London.
'But as time passed, the charges brought against people didn't just
'stem from obscure laws - sometimes they were entirely fabricated.'
Perhaps nothing sums up the atmosphere of confusion
and terror in the City at this time more than an appalling case
of extortion involving the prosperous London haberdasher
Thomas Sunnyff and his wife Alice.
Dudley falsely accused the Sunnyffs of murdering a newborn child
and dumping the body in the Thames.
The phoney charges were designed to make it seem that
the Sunnyffs had broken an existing bond for good behaviour.
The fine for doing so was £500 - a huge sum of money.
Sunnyff refused to pay.
Instead, he was carted off to prison where he stayed for three months.
When his case finally came to court, the jury was rigged,
and the judges, intimidated by the king's lawyers, found him guilty.
With no prospect of release, and fearing that he may have
died in jail, Thomas Sunnyff finally broke and paid up.
In his account book, Dudley entered Sunnyff's fine of £500
for a pardon for the murdering of the child.
As his men tightened their grip on the City,
Henry had an incredible stroke of luck.
He received an unexpected guest at court.
In January 1506, Philip of Burgundy,
the man sheltering the Earl of Suffolk on the continent,
was shipwrecked on the coast of England.
Seizing the opportunity, Henry welcomed this powerful prince
with lavish hospitality, but it was clear that Philip was trapped.
Henry would release him only if he agreed to hand Suffolk over.
And so, in mid-March, a ship carrying the fugitive earl
docked at the port of London.
A heavily-armed reception committee marched him to the Tower.
He would never emerge.
The threat of Suffolk was finally gone.
But two decades spent fending off rebellion, plot,
and conspiracy had left their mark.
This perpetual state of emergency had hardened into a way of rule
and England was now in the grip of a system that people found
both disorientating and terrifying.
Henry's subjects were scared, and they were resentful.
But they knew that Henry could not go on for ever.
Closeted away at Richmond, his health had been failing for years.
All eyes were on Prince Henry,
and what sort of king he was going to be.
Ever since Prince Arthur's death, the king had wrapped Prince Henry
in cotton wool, keeping him confined in the royal household.
By 1507, Prince Henry was growing into a brilliant, handsome
and athletic teenager,
but his father's control had begun to chafe.
The king, increasingly ill, was only too happy to show off his son.
He allowed Prince Henry to organise the spring tournament.
The prince would be shown off -
but not in the way his father anticipated.
Tournaments were spectacular events lasting for days,
and at their centre were the chivalric superheroes of the age -
armoured knights, jousting on horseback.
But although he was proving a brilliant jouster,
Prince Henry was not allowed to fight -
his father had already lost one son, and wasn't about to lose another.
'Toby Capwell is the Curator of Arms at the Wallace Collection,
'and has first-hand experience of the joust.'
There's always risk in anything that's worth doing, right?
And jousting would be pointless if it was completely safe.
When you look at what they're fighting with, this is a safe one,
this is the safe kind!
You have three prongs on the head,
and that prevents the lance from penetrating too much.
But still, if you can imagine being struck by one of these
in your face at a closing speed of 40 miles an hour or more,
in a collision that is in all respects very much like a car crash,
the danger is what makes it meaningful. Right.
Strong bonds were formed in the jousting arena between knights,
their loyalties forged in combat
like brothers-in-arms on a battlefield.
So while Henry VII commanded loyalty through financial control,
his son Prince Henry would form his bonds in the tiltyard.
He's clearly built physically very differently from his father,
but also he thinks differently from him as well.
It's really just a matter of Henry VII being perfectly aware
of the importance of chivalry and chivalric display,
but he just wasn't willing to back that up with his own body,
whereas his son couldn't wait to get involved personally. Right.
Prince Henry's friends put on a thrillingly violent display
of jousting, pushing the sport to its boundaries
in a brash disregard for the rulebook.
It was a performance that the king and his counsellors found alarming.
But Prince Henry loved it.
Caught up in the occasion,
he eagerly chatted with "gentlemen of low degree" -
his openness a sharp contrast with his father's remote detachment.
So people started to see Prince Henry, even at the tender age of 15,
as someone who would be a return to a traditional kind of king,
valuing honour and glory over money.
He would privilege noblemen above lawyers and accountants -
an entirely different proposition to his calculating and distant father.
Imperceptibly, allegiances were starting to shift.
In January 1509, Henry VII shut himself away at Richmond.
His health was failing yet again,
only this time, there would be no recovering.
At 11 o'clock at night,
on Saturday the 21st of April 1509,
Henry VII died.
He had brought the kingdom to the brink of dynastic succession -
almost, but not quite.
This is a pen-and-ink drawing of the scene around Henry's bed,
in his privy chamber, at the moment of his death.
Here we can see one of the king's gentleman ushers closing
Henry's eyes at the moment of his death,
and we can see here doctors holding urine flasks.
Among those present
were some of Henry's oldest and closest servants.
In the past century, the deaths of kings had brought violence
and instability to England.
And they were determined to make sure the same thing
did not happen this time.
Now, the 14 people in this picture were the only people
who knew that Henry VII had died.
They had a unique opportunity to order events to their own advantage,
and this is precisely what they did.
They agreed to keep the king's death a secret for two days,
until the court gathered
for the Feast of the Garter on St George's Day.
But in order to smooth the path of Prince Henry's succession,
there would need to be scapegoats - people to take the rap
for the wrongs that had been done in his father's name.
The new regime had to send out an emphatic statement
that it would not be like the old.
One of those not at court on St George's Day was Edmund Dudley -
he was away in the City.
Dudley had failed to understand how resented
and isolated his rapidly acquired power had made him,
and, consequently, he failed to watch his back.
He had become the unacceptable face of the old regime.
He was thrown into the Tower on trumped-up charges of treason
and finally executed.
'As the 17-year-old Henry VIII was proclaimed king,
'he worked with a populist touch, issuing a general pardon
'which promised reforms, justice, and the redressing of wrongs.'
Thomas More's coronation poem
celebrated the coming of the spectacular new young king,
and contrasted the reign to come
with the dark days that had just passed.
"This day is the end of our slavery, the beginning of our freedom,
"the end of sadness, the source of joy."
"Now," he said, "there were no thieves with their sly,
"clutching hands, and no longer does fear hiss
"whispered secrets in one's ear -
"this king is loved."
More also said that the crowning of the new king
was like the coming of a new season.
But this reference to the seasons also said something else.
In fact, it underscored a contrast
that More emphasised throughout his poem.
If there was to be a new spring of joy and freedom,
it had to follow a winter of repression and fear.
If Henry VIII was the spring,
Henry VII had been the winter.
Henry VII's funeral cortege processed through London's streets,
his effigy displayed on a carriage
drawn by five horses draped in black velvet.
'But for all the criticism of his reign, Henry VII had still
'achieved what he had set out to do.
'He had passed on the crown of England.'
Westminster Abbey is a national shrine,
the burial place of kings, politicians, poets and playwrights.
And this is where Henry VII was laid to rest,
in the chapel he had been building for the past six years.
It was one of the architectural wonders of the age.
It was described in the 16th century as "miraculum orbis universalis",
the wonder of the entire world,
and it really is a staggering building.
This spectacular mausoleum
is Henry's ultimate statement to the world...
..not what we might expect from a wintry miser king.
So, here they are - Henry, buried according to his last will
and testament, alongside his dearest wife, Elizabeth.
These are idealised portraits of Henry and Elizabeth
as they were in their prime -
they're intended to be eternal figures of kingship and queenship.
More than 500 years after his death,
Henry's chapel remains at the heart of British political life.
It stands as testament to his extraordinary determination
and will to power - to everything he aimed for and wanted to be.
'From an isolated beach in Wales,
'where he landed with little claim to the throne and even less hope...
'..he fought and he won his battles.
'He unified a kingdom...
'..he accrued immense wealth...
'..but his greatest legacy would only become clear over time.'
Running around the tomb is an inscription.
Henry, it says, was the most rich, the most intelligent,
the most dignified, the most glorious of kings,
and Elizabeth his wife was the most beautiful,
the most chaste and the most fruitful.
Not only had their marriage been a happy one,
but, crucially, it had also produced children.
The inscription concludes by saying that the land of England
should count itself particularly lucky
in the foremost of those offspring, the current king, Henry VIII.
Lucky old England.
Henry VIII's reign would be turbulent in the extreme.
Yet it was also his father's greatest achievement.
Henry VII had created our most famous, most notorious dynasty -
the Tudors.
Subtitles by Red Bee Media Ltd